The transfer and extension of ideas and concepts in order to bring new topics under the compass of existing theory has obvious scientific merit . It also has pitfalls. The failings of early “evolutionist” models of social evolution and their archaeological adaptations, as well as social Darwinist interpretations, are well-rehearsed subjects in anthropology. Contemporary anxieties about the use of neo-Darwinian theory in anthropology are more narrowly and analytically focused, and sometimes not so easy to set aside. A recent example would be debate over the claim by Rindos that his co-evolutionary account of plant domestication had successfully banished human intent from an explanatory role in this process . In the present volume we take for granted the relevance to agricultural origins of neoDarwinian and behavioral ecology theory. We reject without explicit argument the sub-stantivist claim of economic anthropology that none of the tools of formalist, microeconomics has any purchase outside of modern capitalist economies . To the contrary, we believe it evident that the basic concepts of HBE are fundamental to the analysis of any economy. Close attention to their use in HBE we believe will stimulate new applications and models specifically designed to analyze mixed economies and food production. We are more receptive to the argument that specific foraging models, developed as they were for foragers, may be only partially appropriate to the analysis of emergent food producers. For instance, raspberry plant container the diet breadth model assumes random encounter with resources, a condition increasingly likely to be violated as foragers become involved in the manipulation of individual species.
In as much as all models simplify reality and thus violate at least some conditions of their application, the unavoidable judgment is this: does the failure to fit this particular assumption completely vitiate the heuristic or analytical value of the model? With the specific cautions cited in individual papers, we believe the combined weight of the case studies developed in this volume add up to a strong presumption in favor of the utility of foraging theory, even as the foragers being analyzed direct more and more of their effort toward agricultural activities. We envision three levels where HBE might be applied to the question of agricultural origins. Extant models, although designed for the analysis of foraging, might be applied in the analysis of agricultural origins with little or no alteration in their structure and assumptions. This is the procedure of most authors in this volume. Extant models might be modified so to more directly address questions or situations specific to non-foraging aspects of economy, including cultivation and agricultural production. The modification of central place foraging models to analyze the question of field processing is an especially good example of this. Finally, entirely new models, inspired directly by the problem of explaining human subsistence transitions, might be devised using fundamental behavioral ecology concepts such as opportunity cost or discounting. We think of these options as adopt, adapt, or invent, respectively.
While options and hold great potential for novel and perhaps quite interesting analyses, it appears from the papers assembled here that there is much to be accomplished with the simple adoption of existing models.The fresh market berry industry in Santa Cruz and Monterey counties is an excellent example of transformation in the business of agriculture over the last 50 years. Located along the Central Coast of California, the two counties span the fertile Pajaro and Salinas valleys, and are well known for their amenable climate and production conditions, their diverse crop mix and grower demographics, and their developed agricultural infrastructure and support industries. The majority of the berry sector is comprised of strawberries , raspberries and blackberries , with blueberries and other miscellaneous berries produced on a much more limited basis. Substantial research-based literature and historical information is available for Central Coast strawberries; however, despite the area’s move towards greater production of raspberries and blackberries, less information exists for these crops. We seek here to provide a more complete portrayal and historical context for the berry industry in the Santa Cruz and Monterey area, which is the origin of the berry industry in California. While the berry industry has been very successful in recent decades, it now faces new challenges, such as invasive pests and the phaseout of the soil fumigant methyl bromide. This article draws on previous and more recent research to discuss some of the influences that have contributed to the berry industry’s dramatic expansion in Santa Cruz and Monterey counties, including selected innovations in agricultural practices and heightened consumer demand. During the 1960s and 1970s, the number of acres planted to berries, tons produced and value of production fluctuated. The fluctuations can be partly explained by farm management: in the past growers often rotated berry and vegetable crops to assist with soil and pest management, thereby influencing these statistics. However, annual crop reports from the county agricultural commissioners show that since the 1980s, berries have become increasingly important to each county’s overall value of production, and by 2014 accounted for 64% and 17% of the total value of all agricultural products in Santa Cruz and Monterey counties, respectively .
The industry’s growth can be explained by a shift of some acreage out of tree fruits and field crops , among others, into berries, and by additional acreage put into agricultural production. Strawberries are the undisputed leader in the berry sector and in 2014 represented 58% and 94% of the value of all berry production in Santa Cruz and Monterey counties, respectively , and 50% and 93% of all berry acreage . Table 2 documents the remarkable expansion of the strawberry industry over time in both counties with respect to acreage, tons produced and value of production. Between 1960 and 2014, acreage more than tripled and production increased tenfold. The value of production, in real dollars, increased by 424% in Monterey County and by 593% in Santa Cruz County, reaching an astonishing combined value of nearly $1 billion in both 2010 and 2014. The gains in all statistical categories in Monterey County were enabled in part by an expansion of production into the southern reaches of the county where more and larger blocks of farmland are available, container raspberries and where land rents are lower than in Santa Cruz and northern Monterey counties. However, from 2010 to 2014 Monterey County’s tonnage and production values declined, possibly because the area has recently experienced a shortage of labor to harvest fresh market crops. Tonnage was also lower in Santa Cruz County, but production values increased. This may be because of the county’s greater emphasis on local agriculture, organic production and direct market sales, which are often associated with higher crop values. For raspberries, the acreage, tons produced and value of production grew steadily and most strikingly in Santa Cruz County , where production conditions for caneberries are optimal. For example, caneberry fields in Santa Cruz County are situated in areas that have well-drained soils and are protected from damaging winds. Also, fields are planted to take advantage of the growth and yield gains associated with southern exposures. Moreover, field-to-cooler travel distances are shorter in Santa Cruz County, which is critical for safeguarding the quality and marketability of these highly perishable crops. By 2014, raspberries represented 33% of the county’s total value of production for all berries. In contrast, Monterey County raspberry production accounted for only 6% of the county’s total berry value. Blackberries have not been consistently reported as a separate category in archived statistical analyses, but instead were often included under the terms “bush- or miscellaneous berries”. Therefore, similar data for blackberry acreage and value of production cannot be reported here. However, between 1990 and 2010, Santa Cruz County agricultural commissioner crop reports reported an upward trend for the broad category with respect to acreage planted and value of production . In 2010, blackberries were promoted to a position of prominence in the report and shown as a separate statistic; at the same time, the miscellaneous berry category was shown to be very small indeed. Between 2010 and 2014, however, blackberry acreage and value of production leveled off and have shown only modest gains . This may be because there has been less emphasis on production and market research and promotion for blackberries than for strawberries or raspberries. No comparable data are available for Monterey County. The two counties have contributed significantly to California’s total berry sector: in 2014, area strawberry acreage represented 35% of the statewide total, 37% of the total tons produced and 38% of the total value of production . Area raspberry acreage represented 43% of the statewide total, 42% of the total tons produced and 39% of the total value of production. Comparable statewide statistics are not available for blackberries. County agricultural commissioners’ reports show that the majority of all berries produced in the two counties — up to 98% — are sold as fresh market fruit . In years with adverse production conditions or low prices, a higher percentage of the crop may be diverted to the freezer or processed products market. Fresh market fruit is handled and sold primarily through local grower-shippers; a much smaller share is sold directly to consumers through farmers markets, community supported agriculture operations, farm stands and other direct and intermediated market channels such as restaurants, independent grocers and schools.
Arguably the most momentous shift in cultural practices for strawberries was the introduction of preplant soil fumigants, beginning with chloropicrin in the 1950s and methyl bromide in the 1960s. Fumigation is a soil disinfestation practice that improves plant productivity and helps with the management of arthropods, nematodes, weeds, soilborne fungi and other plant pathogens. Some of the most difficult to control pathogens include Verticillium dahliae, Fusarium spp. and Macrophomina phaesolina. Without soil fumigation, these pathogens have the potential to completely destroy strawberry plantings. Early on, when CP and MB were mixed and applied together, the synergistic effects allowed strawberries to be produced as an annual rather than a biennial crop, and to be grown continuously on the same land without rotation to another crop, resulting in an increase in annual strawberry acreage. The use of fumigants also led to higher and more predictable yields and fruit quality, and further enabled the development of more stable markets for strawberries . Yields for strawberries statewide increased from a range of 2 to 4 tons per acre prior to the introduction of soil fumigants to 16 tons per acre by 1969 . Additional cultural improvements included the development of both UC and proprietary strawberry varieties uniquely adapted to coastal production conditions. Varieties were bred, for example, for disease resistance, yield and market potential. Notable UC-bred strawberry varieties include Tufts , Pajaro, Douglas, Chandler, and Selva , Camarosa and Seascape , and Aromas, Albion and Monterey . Irrigation practices also evolved, shifting from furrow irrigation in the 1960s to drip irrigation in the 1980s, which led to further improvements in plant disease management and greater water use efficiency. These and other enhancements meant that by 2012, yields could exceed 35 tons per acre . More recently, the strawberry industry has focused on “fine-tuning” fertility and water management for more efficient resource use, along with additional yield and fruit quality improvements . The Santa Cruz–Monterey area is also recognized for its early experience with conversion of conventional strawberry production to organic management . Organic strawberry production was shown to result in lower yields, which, when offset by premium prices could potentially offer higher net returns to growers. The importance of crop rotation for disease management was not addressed in the initial study by Gliessman et al. but has since been the focus of additional research, as have more complete analyses of the economics of organic strawberry production . Growers and area researchers continue to collaborate and advance organic strawberry production techniques. Most notably, a long-term research commitment has been made to determine organically acceptable disease management practices such as anaerobic soil disinfestation , the use of commercially available soil-applied biological organisms and the incorporation of soil amendments such as mustard seed and its derivatives. The area is now seen as a global leader in organic strawberry research, and in 2012 the first organic strawberry production manual was published by UC Agriculture and Natural Resources . Statistics documenting expansion of the organic strawberry industry over time are not available on a county-by-county basis, but statistics for California show prodigious growth in acreage and value of production: from $9.7 million in 2000 to $93.6 million in 2012, a 621% increase in real dollars .